The brilliant Indigenous writer Richard Wagamese once wrote:
“All that we are is story. From the moment we are born to the time we continue on our spirit journey, we are involved in the creation of the story of our time here. It is what we arrive with. It is all we leave behind… [when] we take the time to share those stories with each other, we get bigger inside, we see each other, we recognize our kinship – we change the world, one story at a time.”
I recently read a wonderful book No Way But Forward that is unlike any book I’ve read about Palestinians. The book’s beauty is that it is deeply humanizing and personal. We meet three middle class Palestinians Khalil, Hussam, and Hammam, seeing them as children, and watching them come of age and enter adulthood. We see their interactions with the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) and sometimes Hamas but we also see them fall in love, have children, and celebrate meaningful milestones. We see them when they deal with war, frightening poverty, or a lack of sustenance. These short vignettes into their lives makes the book an easy read in addition to being a good one. As a counterpoint to many other books on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which feature a less personal approach, the stories Khalil, Hussam, and Hammam share do more than just give us a look into another culture. The stories do as Wagamese suggested – they help us see each other, and the world in new ways.
I had the honour of speaking with No Way But Forward’s author Brian Barber and we spoke about the men he profiles, but also about the ongoing conflict, the impact on Palestinians since October 7, and how visiting Gaza each year and researching this book has changed him. I don’t want to spoil the stories of these three men but I do want to share some of my conversation with Brian and a few meaningful nuggets of his book.
Photo credit: No Way But Forward, Author Brian K. Barber’s website.
Why Does He Go?
I asked Brian why he has been going to Gaza for the past three decades. He originally went as part of a research project exploring how trauma affects youth. He acknowledged not really wanting to go but when the funding came through, he felt compelled.
But once there, he was captivated by the people he met. “I found the people gentle, kind and hospitable, contrary to the stereotypes you hear.” Since then, he has spent weeks or months in Gaza every year up until Covid.
What Did His Research Show About the Trauma?
Contrary to everything the researchers expected, after six years of near daily conflict in the first Palestinian intifada (Arabic for uprising or shaking off; 1987-1993) the youth were not doing badly. They were bright-eyed and had purpose despite bombings, fear of arrest, poverty or death. Conversely, when he and some researchers looked at a comparable group in Sarajevo, Bosnia (youth there suffered the four-year long Serbian siege of Sarajevo, 1992-1996), the Bosnian youth were “angry, uninspired, and confused” just as trauma literature assumed they would be.
What was the difference?
Brian found (and published on this), that the Bosnian war felt random to those youth. Suddenly, the students found half their classmates absent one day and their city was being shelled without them even being sure originally who was attacking them. A community they knew had suddenly been cleaved into factions for no apparent reason. They could find no meaning in the war and the trauma they suffered.
Conversely, the Gaza youth had a narrative for what was happening to them. Parents and elders told them from a young age about the history of their land, what had been lost, and how they were part of a struggle for freedom, a struggle that inevitably came with costs. This meaning proved vital. In addition, many in Gaza join the struggle by supporting human rights organizations, organizing protests, or resisting the IDF. Youth in Bosnia had no way to contribute or do anything substantive to the oppose the war.
Photo credit: Author Brian K. Barber’s website.
So the Youth in Gaza Were Doing Okay (pre October 7)?
“It’s more complicated than that. Children are terrorized on the one hand. But they also get deadened to it sometimes. They do seem to overcome it through three things: i) education. They are uber committed to this and it gives purpose; ii) faith. Faith in God and that He is looking out for them; ii) freedom. An innate drive for freedom and a belief that pursuing it is honourable.”
A Strong Commitment to Education
One thing that really stands out in the book and in my conversation with Brian is I did not realize how highly prized education is. The men and their families are extremely driven to get university degrees and to acquire the grades that make this possible.
Gazans highly prize education. The demolition of schools and whole universities is a real loss. Photo credit: Wikimedia commons. CC BY-SA 4.0
Who are the Three Men?
Hammam spends the first five years of his life without his father who is arrested and kept in prison by the Israelis. He experiences some heartbreak and setbacks growing up but eventually works for a human rights organization and then as a teacher.
Khalil is super close to his mother, becomes a prominent human rights worker, but faces the anger of Hamas due to his public criticism of them.
Hussam faces random detention and imprisonment. As he grows up, he travels to the USA for his graduate education and his time there has the surprising impact of making him far more committed to his Muslim faith.
The author tells the story of three men as, being male, he lacks the same access to women given the society’s norms around gender. The three men incidentally are not known to each other.
Photos of the 3 men in the book: Hammam al-Faqawi, Khalil (with Brian Barber), Hussam Abushawish (left to right). Photo credit: Brian Barber’s Instagram.
Why Was Hamas Elected?
This is question Westerners often ask so I posed it to Brian
In 2006, the people of Gaza elected Hamas to replace the Palestinian Authority. “The Palestinian Authority had been in power for 13 years and had failed by every metric. Plus, they are very corrupt.” In democracies, you often find people tire of long term incumbents and want to toss them out. Brian added “to them, at least Hamas fights back. The PA seemed to be in partnership with Israel.”
Brian here also makes an argument I have heard before. Basically, in 1993 when the Oslo Peace Accords were signed between the Palestinian Authority’s Yasser Arafat and Israeli PM Yitzhak Rabin, it spawned hope for a permanent peace. The media narrative in the West was that this was a moment of real possibility. However, some authors argue that the deal undermined the Palestinians. Their take is not the only one but it comes from credible voices rarely heard here so let me explain their perspective.
They say the Palestinians had finally managed to garner global attention via the first intifada which did not feature rockets but rather images of boys throwing stones against heavily armed Israeli soldiers. The visuals were difficult for Israel’s image internationally and garnered sympathy for the Palestinian cause.
But Barber writes that for many Palestinians, “the Oslo declaration was both a betrayal and an insult. It was a betrayal because Arafat did not consult with his people on this plan. Nor did he consult with the leaders of the other Palestinian factions. Arafat and his advisors alone – none of whom had been in Palestine for decades, none of whom fought the intifada – made the agreement…..[the agreement} kept Palestinians isolated and disconnected, the furthest thing from the independent state that [Palestinians] had fought to achieve over the past six years of the intifada” (155).
In short, this argument suggests that Arafat negotiated gains that benefitted his group (the Fatah Party) rather than Palestinians. Fatah gained partial sovereignty over the Palestinian people, the ability to live in Palestine after spending decades in exile, and the freeing of some of their political prisoners. But the desires of the Palestinian people were left to future negotiations that never panned out. Israel got some of what it wanted, namely an end to the intifada and a better image abroad. The peace accords also bought time, and these authors argue that Israel used that time to expand the settlements every year which they claim makes a two-state solution more and more difficult to envision. Again, this is not the only perspective but if you seek an additional take on this from a knowledgeable Palestinian insider, see Rashid Khalidi’s popular book The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine.
The Oslo Accords are celebrated as holding the potential for peace. Some Palestinian observers think it eroded such hopes, believing Arafat sold out his people. Photo credit: Wikimedia commons. CCO 1.0 Universal
Why don’t the people of Gaza rise up against Hamas?
“It is silly to think that a people who are literally starving and spend their little energy on survival to somehow ‘rise up.’ If referring to an earlier time since 2006, I would ask how? The people have no authority over calling elections, so an electoral way of removing Hamas is out, meaning that it would have to be by civil disobedience or insurrection. The Gazan population is largely unarmed…..Even the US-supported PA attempt to overthrow Hamas failed in 2007. Surely, then, the people themselves could not accomplish it.”
Barber continues: “Hamas has never attracted majority support. The only reason it was elected in 2006 was because it was the only alternative to re-electing Fatah who had failed miserably to make life better for the people during 13 years of governance since Oslo. As for right now, after two years of such misery, you’d find plenty of people who are strongly opposed to Hamas’ continuing approach. But what is the alternative?”
This Time Magazine article highlights some recent brave anti-Hamas marches and has numerous polls showing Hamas’ support between 25% – 38% both before and after October 7. Support for the Palestinian Authority is often even lower.
Both organizations are disliked by Gaza’s people who, as in so much else, lack good options.
Image: ‘Free Palestine from Hamas’ Photo credit: Wikimedia commons. CC BY-SA 2.0
The Many Challenges
The men and their loved ones face many challenges. A recurring theme of the book is that the men and those they know are subjected to detentions by the Israeli Defense Forces (not just since October 7 but during these men’s entire lives). The stories reveal this as just part of life. Brian describes it as “routine, capricious, random and punitive, whether you’re guilty or not.” Occupations are extremely difficult and the impact on both populations is almost always harmful.
Another element are bombardments. Brian has been there when bombs and missiles hit. He remembers the first time a single bomb went off in the vicinity and says “it was the most deafening sound I’ve ever encountered. The ground shook like an earthquake.” Another he says jolted him out of bed.
What is it Like Since October 7?
Without going into details that would spoil the book, the people there, like you hear, are forced by the IDF to relocate frequently. They also confront regular uncertainty. “You don’t know if this afternoon or tomorrow you will be forced to leave again. Or if their neighborhood will be bombed today. Or if they well be able to find water and food for that day. They face terrible decisions. Should you bring your son to market with you to carry a heavy bag of flour if you find one? Or would that increase the risk the family will lose you both if a bomb or missile strikes?”
Food is very scarce. The people spend massive amounts of time and energy trying to find calories. And prices are dear.
And of course, people are dying.
Devastating landscape of Gaza. Photo credit: Wikimedia commons. CC BY-SA 3.0
The Impact on Brian
I know Brian would not want to be the centre of the story – and the book is about Khalil, Hussam, and Hammam and not him – but I could not fail to see, speaking to him about, how affected he seemed. When I asked, he confessed “I’m a different person since October 7.” He described himself as much sadder and that “I feel like my own people are getting slaughtered.”
Conclusion
This is an excellent book. Whatever you know and believe about the Israel Palestine conflict, this book will add to your understanding of the personal impacts for those in Gaza. For me, it reaffirmed that it is crucially important that we hear theses stories from all sides because it is through stories that we understand one another. While there is sadness in the stories of Khalil, Hussam and Hammam, there’s also hope and resilience and at times these men and their families are inspiring. It’s a testament to the human spirit, be those humans Israelis, Palestinians, or Koreans. You will find the different culture interesting and it is simultaneously difficult but also eye-opening to see the human capacity to endure. As Wagamese notes, it is only be sharing stories like this, from all perspectives, that we can “get bigger inside, we see each other, we recognize our kinship – we change the world, one story at a time.”
I heartily recommend No Way But Forward. The stories of Khalil, Hussam and Hammam are worth your time and deserve to be read widely. We can only hope that peace comes soon.
Taking a Position
I can’t remember a time when I was so torn and so reticent about a political situation. In the sixties and seventies I stood loudly with many youth in North America against US policies to wage their war in Viet Nam. My moral positions later on Yugoslavia, Iraq and now, Ukraine, have been clear to me and I haven’t hesitated to state my opinions openly. Israel-Gaza is not the same.
As a Unitarian, I look to our Principles to guide me in forming a position. Our principles and my own personal faith are based in empathy, compassion, reason, respect, equality and justice. Whom do I believe are in most need of these values right now? The Israelis? The Palestinians? On the other hand, does Israel have a right to exist? Am I Zionist? If not, am I antisemitic?
I have read and listened to a very wide range of opinions from raging anti-Zionists full of hyperbole to Zionist crusaders who cherry-pick Biblical scripture to support the righteousness of destroying their enemies. And as for anything in between, I have yet to find a moderate, principled, reasonable, feasible position I can support.
About a decade ago, I realized I was against tribalism in most of its forms. Despite my lofty awareness, I realize I am still infected with the tribal virus when I experience a twinge of disappointment that the Canadian team lost the Stanley Cup to an American team – again! I am not at all interested in sports. None-the-less …….
Sometimes, I feel sad and exasperated that humanity is still so primitive, seemingly tied to tribalism like a millstone around our necks. Drowning can be the only outcome if we do not cut ourselves free of it eventually.
As for Israel-Gaza, I am angry. I am most certainly angry about the disproportionate destruction perpetrated upon the Palestinians, most of whom are innocent civilians, as a result of the policies of the secular, political government leading the state of Israel at the moment.
I have Jewish friends. I can’t talk about this freely with them. I can’t, for instance, use the word “genocide” in such a conversation. I can’t challenge the notion that Israel is a true liberal democracy. I can’t suggest that an international force, perhaps through the UN, may need to put boots on the ground in Israel and Gaza to restrain continued military action against the population and to prevent the withholding of life-saving relief from Gazans, an example of tribal behaviour at its worst.
I am so torn and so reticent.